Black Men in Philadelphia Barbershop Wrestle With Politics and Disillusionment

In a West Philadelphia barbershop, the buzz of clippers mixed with a heated political debate on a recent Friday night. The gathering, organized by the group Win With Black Men, brought together a few dozen men—local politicians, union leaders, longtime residents, newcomers, and high schoolers—to discuss their political past and future.

The conversation was led by political strategist Khalil Thompson, who has spent the two years since Kamala Harris lost the presidency to Donald Trump traveling the country to understand why some Black men moved toward a white Republican rather than a Black woman. Although Black men vote overwhelmingly Democratic, even small shifts can swing close elections, and Thompson argues they are often scrutinized but poorly understood.

"We know the shop is like our own country club," Thompson told the group, explaining the choice of venue. The discussion, lasting over two hours, touched on role models for Black youth, food deserts, artificial intelligence and jobs, and a shared belief that government should invest more in their communities.

At the heart of the debate was a question Thompson has been pondering: Why didn't some Black men enthusiastically support Harris, the first Black woman nominated for president by a major party? One exchange captured the raucous but familiar arguments. Stanley Thigpen, a civil engineer, suggested that Trump has long been a prominent figure in Black culture, citing rappers who referenced him. Groans and objections followed. Al Glay, a real estate agent, pushed back, recalling Trump's statements about the Exonerated Five—five Black and Latino teenagers wrongly convicted in the 1989 Central Park rape case. "He was blatantly racist," Glay said. "How can you support that?" Another man brushed it off: "They're all racist anyway." Glay then asked how anyone could look their mother in the face and vote for the white man over Kamala.

Harris had visited the same shop, Philly Cuts, nine days before the election, discussing ways to improve Black male representation in education. The recent conversation was more free-form, with men expressing disillusionment that crossed party lines. Barber Maurice Anderson noted a long history of distrust, pointing to President Bill Clinton's 1994 crime bill that disproportionately imprisoned Black people. "We're tapped out," he said, but added that falling back is a trap. State Sen. Vincent Hughes acknowledged the anger and said it must be turned into action. John White Jr., 77, a former state representative and city council member, said the men were having the same conversations as decades ago and urged civic engagement.

Political strategists increasingly see men of color as a crucial voting group. Terrance Woodbury, a pollster whose firm consulted on the Harris campaign, said, "Black men are not a monolith." According to census estimates, Black men 18 and older make up roughly 4.3% of the U.S. population. Federal data show that in July, Black men 20 and older had an unemployment rate of 6.2%, nearly double the 3.5% rate for white men. A Federal Reserve survey found that in 2022, Black families had a median wealth of $44,890, compared with $285,010 for white families. In 2023, Black men's imprisonment rate was about 5.5 times that of white men.

About one-quarter of Black men supported Trump in 2024, according to a survey of more than 120,000 registered voters, up from 12% in 2020. Thompson said he has heard from Black men across regions and income levels about how trauma, mass incarceration, economic discrimination, and stereotypes make them skeptical of institutions and traditional campaign outreach. Woodbury said several potential Democratic presidential candidates have already consulted his firm on outreach to Black men, noting the disproportionate impact Black men will have in South Carolina's primary. Thompson believes Black men respond more to inspirational messages than pessimistic ones, and that both parties ignore them at their peril.